Im Guardian erzählt András Arató, der Mensch hinter dem Meme, wie sein Nebenjob als Stockphoto-Model in den letzten fünf Jahren plötzlich. András Arató wurde als "Hide the Pain Harold" im Internet zum Star. Foto: Internet. Memes haben die er-Jahre geprägt. Keine politische oder. András Arató ist eben nicht umsonst als „Hide the Pain“-Harold bekannt geworden.
Stockfotos und Memes: Für 80 Euro zur weltweiten WitzfigurAndrás Arató wurde als "Hide the Pain Harold" im Internet zum Star. Foto: Internet. Memes haben die er-Jahre geprägt. Keine politische oder. András Arató ist einer der bekanntesten Ungarn im Internet. Früher war er von Beruf Elektroingenieur, seit einigen Jahren ist er aber allerdings. Mfg Markus. András has been in and out of the stock photo and advertisement industry as a model. Doch die Augen leiden. He agreed for the photos to be used.
András Arató Tartalomjegyzék VideoCloud 9+ - Hide The Pain (Official Music Video) András Arató. Celiac disease (CD) is a gluten-dependent inflammatory disease of the small bowel that affects up to 1% of the worldwide population. Despite severe mucosal abnormalities including. Persze Arató András nem volt mindig Harold, sőt, csak nyugdíjasként vált azzá. Az eredeti szakmája, amiből nyugdíjba ment. Kőszegen született ben. ben végzett a Budapesti Műszaki Egyetem Villamosmérnöki karán. Kiváló szakember lett belőle. Arató András (Budapest, május –) a Klubrádiót működtető Monográf Zrt. elnök-vezérigazgatója, fotóművész. Élete. A Kölcsey Ferenc Gimnáziumban érettségizett, majd a Műszaki Egyetemen tanult, ahol ben diplomát szerzett. Ezután Állampolgársága: magyar.
Arato's intellectual itinerary can be simplified into four overlapping stages: It begins with I efforts to revitalize Marxism by drawing on a Hegelian Marxist philosophy of " praxis ".
Phase three was III marked by a turn to a post-Marxist emphasis on civil society as a moral and analytical category meant to further the project of democratization in both the East and West.
The first phase of Arato's academic work emphasized the recovery of an early humanistic Hegelian Marxism. This implicit critique of state socialist societies, however, largely operated at the level of abstract social philosophy.
In the second stage of his intellectual itinerary, Arato made this exact turn from social philosophy to the critical analysis of East European social formations during the late s to the early s.
His operating procedure was somewhat scholastic. He critically assessed the adequacy of their efforts to analyze the social dynamics, stratification, crisis potentiality and legitimating ideology of state socialist societies.
In all this, Arato sought to model himself on Marx by analyzing and criticizing the exploitative, hierarchical dimensions of the social formation.
He recognized, however, that the theoretical tools offered by Marx himself — that is, historical materialism — were often used by state socialist societies to veil their politically based class inequalities, not expose them.
Further, Arato argued that Marxian writers were typically trapped by the problematic of Marx's philosophy of history, which could only conceive of two possible modern industrialized social formations — either capitalism or a progressive socialist society.
Despite the richness of his efforts, Arato saw little connection between his exercises in social system analysis and active social movements aiming to transform state socialism.
This transition, where Arato left his work to the gnawing criticism of mice to repeat Marx's quip , paralleled similar shifts among East European critical intellectuals.
Arato noted that abstract ideal typical models of social system dynamics often failed to incorporate considerations of national histories and cultural traditions, along with inherited social institutions.
Furthermore, such analyses of systems reproduction dissecting the dynamics and instrumental logics of state and markets typically ignores the normative and institutionalized categories of the lifeworld and civil society that might support an autonomous social domain of solidarity and open public communication, which is also the terrain of social movements.
It is precisely to these ideal categories of social autonomy separate from the state, or civil society, that Arato shifted in his third stage.
By civil society, Arato and writers in Poland, Hungary, but also France and South America  meant a social space outside state or corporate control where groups and individuals could engage in something approximating free association and communication among equals.
This social space ideally entailed whole sets of laws, rights, and institutions to help secure individual autonomy and public freedom.
In civil society's fully developed modern form, Arato wrote, such a realm is protected by legal rights, possesses channels to influence the separate institutions of economy and state, and has a developed organizational life and media organizations to enhance social communication and strengthen social relations.
Nowhere were all these requirements fully met and the ideal of civil society thus offered a basis for social movements seeking to enrich and extend its ideals everywhere.
For Arato, this new focus on civil society constituted, in part, a rejection of the traditional Marxian problematic for a post-Marxist one.
He and intellectuals in Eastern Europe criticized Marx's advocacy of a radical democratic reunification of state and society in a supposedly collective free social order.
They rejected Marx's idea of ending of the distinction of state and society or state and market , along with his conception of an unalienated collective subject, totally undivided and in control of itself.
The experience of Eastern Europe and Russia suggested this utopian merging of government and society inevitably resulted in authoritarian forms of rule.
It resulted either in the loss of independent freedom of civil society under the embracing control of the party-state or else it saw regression in economic rationality as the community or state subjected the economy to their traditional norms and political calculations.
Instead, partly for normative reasons and partly for strategic reasons to prevent repression from the state or USSR invasion , opposition movements in Eastern Europe and throughout the world sought not to take over the government but only to strengthen the forms of freedom in a modern civil society, that is, forms of solidarity, free communicative interaction, and active democratic participation in autonomous publics and a plurality of associations.
The goal—Arato argued for Eastern Europe, but soon extended this model to the West—should be the protection and indeed the strengthening of civil society and its democratization and institution building separate from the strategic instrumental logics and power hierarchies of the state and capitalist economy.
In the late s into the s and beyond, the problematic of civil society spread across Europe, Latin American and Asia as a powerful theory and ideal that could guide social movements in obtainable advances in freedom.
Here too Arato drew heavily on the work of Habermas, especially Habermas's book on the rise and decline of the public sphere.
With this three-part model of ideal social organization — state, economy and civil society — Arato could make the idea of civil society and its strengthening a critical tool in Western capitalist societies.
Between his initial and articles on Poland and civil society, a full decade passed before he and Jean Cohen issued their magnum opus: Civil Society and Political Theory.
Despite its late publication and its intimidating size at pages, the volume quickly became popular. In October , Google Scholar listed over 2, publications citing the book.
During this time, Arato remained associated with the radical journal Telos. However, the relevance and vitality of the category of civil society for the West became an object for vigorous dispute at Telos , most especially by Paul Piccone , the journal's pugnacious editor.
The unique nature of the transitions and the powerful intellectual and political issues of writing a new constitution soon became Arato's prime target of intellectual investigation.
He closely followed the political debate surrounding the drafting of constitutions in Hungary, where he maintained continued with such critical intellectuals as Janos Kis, co-founder and first chair of the Alliance of Free Democrats, Hungary's liberal party until In —97, Arato served as a consultant for the Hungarian Parliament on constitutional issues.
In the ensuing years, he published commentary and analysis of constitutional issues in Nepal, Turkey, South Africa and Iraq after the U.
He was invited for more shootings and over a hundred stock photos were made. He agreed for the photos to be used for this purpose, with the exception of photos of topics about politics, religion, and sex, as he felt those topics are sensitive to many people.
A few months after, he looked himself up again and discovered more photos, including one of his face pasted on all four faces of Mount Rushmore.
These were the early stages of an internet meme. He stated that closing down a webpage would not really work, as the meme content could soon respawn, so after six years, he accepted his meme status.
He hoped that everyone would forget about using his photos, but that didn't happen. He still thought that everyone would forget about the photos, but an internet user found out his true identity and emailed him, stating that there were many users who believed that he was not a real living person.
After a few hours, the photo has been seen by over ten thousand users as well as the international media. The photographer who took the stock photos asked him to smile.
Many users saw his smile as fake, masking sorrow, hence the name "Hide the Pain Harold". In the photos, he stated he got tired of smiling too much.
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not to be confused with Andrew Arato. This article uses Western name order when mentioning individuals.
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